South Africa has suffered drastic transformation throughout its history. At the end of the
eighteenth century, this African area became a British colony, after passed through the
hands of the Portuguese and then the Dutch, when the Britons defeated Afrikaners.
Eventually, in 1910 the Union of South Africa was founded as a dominion of the British
Empire. After the World War II and influenced by the German Nazism, the South
African government set up apartheid rules making legal segregation. This harsh
regimen provoked clandestine opposition under the leadership of Nelson Mandela’s
ANC. The social and even international pressure produced the beginning of apartheid’s
dismantling, the first multiracial general elections took place in 1994 (won by the ANC
party) and therefore a constitution was adopted in 1996 as a result of this process of
democratization and equality. The apartheid system sharply determined the coming
post-apartheid governments, especially in human rights field. This essay analyzes how
the apartheid experience has currently affected the viewpoint of the human rights’
political challenges in the South African foreign policy.
Due to rulers’ aim to transform the organization of the South African State based on racial discrimination into a democratic one, not only affected domestic policy as well as foreign policy. However this goal was not exempt from controversy, true inner and international threats intimidated white South Africans while increasing black population’s hopes hence radical security measures were boosted, such as in the Sharpeville Massacre, the origin of South Africa’s human rights day. Regarding the international scene, a political isolation and an economic boycott were established against apartheid government. Once apartheid was abolished, De Klerk established democratic polities to reintegrate South Africa on the international (and regional) scene. (Lechini, 1992.)
In 1994, when the first post-apartheid government was arranged, South Africa’s foreign policy underwent a transition led by Nelson Mandela, who became a worldwide symbol of the fight against discrimination, social equality, poverty and peace. The constitution of 1996 was created to establish human rights as one or even the most relevant points. Mandela’s fight to human rights consists on using diplomacy to assist in mediating incidents. As when he showed his opposition to the Nigerian Sani Abacha’s violent regime but also in Asia and Europe, looking for peace in nations like Burundi or in Northern Ireland situation, although his foreign policy was focused on the African continent and South Africa displayed as a leader and supporter for African nations. Mandela became a hero for the South African society and inspired others, as he was able to transfer his ideas and restlessness as an activism to his role as a ruler. Nevertheless, he was also criticized for not answering African states’ interest in some occasions or for having relationship with human right abusers as Muammar al-Qaddafi or Fidel Castro, much reprehended by Western rulers. (Firsing, 2013.) Thabo Mbeki followed in the footsteps of Mandela but prioritized Africa due to rising nationalism. According to Firsing (2013), growth and improvement in the rest of Africa would benefit South Africa, the country would have nothing to do without the whole African country hence Mbeki developed a Pan-Africanism foreign policy, well-known as the rebirth of Africa but was criticized for his behavior by the AIDS epidemic. In its role as a non- permanent member of the UN Security Council (as in other international organizations or treaties: The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the Peace Council) in 2007-2008 period and again in 2011-2012, South Africa has acted as an advocate of African interest and rights as well as worked hand in hand with the UN to remove social and cultural conflicts, to promote justice and improve human and freedom rights among nations, all developed in the UNDAF.
Due to rulers’ aim to transform the organization of the South African State based on racial discrimination into a democratic one, not only affected domestic policy as well as foreign policy. However this goal was not exempt from controversy, true inner and international threats intimidated white South Africans while increasing black population’s hopes hence radical security measures were boosted, such as in the Sharpeville Massacre, the origin of South Africa’s human rights day. Regarding the international scene, a political isolation and an economic boycott were established against apartheid government. Once apartheid was abolished, De Klerk established democratic polities to reintegrate South Africa on the international (and regional) scene. (Lechini, 1992.)
In 1994, when the first post-apartheid government was arranged, South Africa’s foreign policy underwent a transition led by Nelson Mandela, who became a worldwide symbol of the fight against discrimination, social equality, poverty and peace. The constitution of 1996 was created to establish human rights as one or even the most relevant points. Mandela’s fight to human rights consists on using diplomacy to assist in mediating incidents. As when he showed his opposition to the Nigerian Sani Abacha’s violent regime but also in Asia and Europe, looking for peace in nations like Burundi or in Northern Ireland situation, although his foreign policy was focused on the African continent and South Africa displayed as a leader and supporter for African nations. Mandela became a hero for the South African society and inspired others, as he was able to transfer his ideas and restlessness as an activism to his role as a ruler. Nevertheless, he was also criticized for not answering African states’ interest in some occasions or for having relationship with human right abusers as Muammar al-Qaddafi or Fidel Castro, much reprehended by Western rulers. (Firsing, 2013.) Thabo Mbeki followed in the footsteps of Mandela but prioritized Africa due to rising nationalism. According to Firsing (2013), growth and improvement in the rest of Africa would benefit South Africa, the country would have nothing to do without the whole African country hence Mbeki developed a Pan-Africanism foreign policy, well-known as the rebirth of Africa but was criticized for his behavior by the AIDS epidemic. In its role as a non- permanent member of the UN Security Council (as in other international organizations or treaties: The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the Peace Council) in 2007-2008 period and again in 2011-2012, South Africa has acted as an advocate of African interest and rights as well as worked hand in hand with the UN to remove social and cultural conflicts, to promote justice and improve human and freedom rights among nations, all developed in the UNDAF.
Another factor comes into play: South Africa is an emerging country, a member of the
BRICS and IBSA. Although it do not seem related, this has completely changed its
performance in terms of human rights. The BRICS are formed by Brazil, Russia, India,
China and South Africa itself. The three Asian countries are notorious for their little pro-
human rights and little freedom of expression action, and South Africa as a partnership
ignore it and still has connections with them, supported them, being controversial and
much criticized behavior contradicting Western position. Jacob Zuma, current South
Africa’s prime minister, seems to contradict himself. Playing both sides: the BRICS for
economic support and the UN and Western-countries, due to its colonial-historical past
with any of them, for humanitarian aspects. According to The Economist (2010):
Mr Zuma says his foreign-policy priorities are the same as those of previous ANC governments: to boost African solidarity and unity; to strengthen ties between countries in the southern hemisphere; to keep good relations with strategic trading partners in the West; to reform the UN and Bretton Woods institutions to give the poor world a stronger voice; and to promote democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights.
While he is claiming the previous, he is also encouraging business relations with China, its biggest trading partner, and increasing state visits as Mbeki had already predicted: "China will emerge as one of the principal partners of South Africa...and we agreed that given the scope and depth of relations that will develop, we will establish a joint commission to incorporate all of these elements." It seems Zuma is forgetting Mandela’s postulation of human rights as the heart of international relations. He, of course, condemns crimes and genocides but meanwhile maintain contact with, for example, Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema. This situation is reminiscent of what he was criticized Mandela in his years in office but Prime Minister Zuma reaffirms his commitment to human rights. In March 2010, the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Ms. Maite Nkoana-Mashabane declared that the SA’s foreign policy should re-approach according to the increasing expectations caused by South Africa as an emerging power. (Wilding, 2013.) Perhaps she is right, facts speak: latest United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) voting record discloses that South Africa has not supported a resolution on the right to free protest like China, Russia, Egypt or Saudi Arabia. South Africa excuses by arguing it does not support specific circumstances of each country (Kasambala, 2014.)
Mr Zuma says his foreign-policy priorities are the same as those of previous ANC governments: to boost African solidarity and unity; to strengthen ties between countries in the southern hemisphere; to keep good relations with strategic trading partners in the West; to reform the UN and Bretton Woods institutions to give the poor world a stronger voice; and to promote democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights.
While he is claiming the previous, he is also encouraging business relations with China, its biggest trading partner, and increasing state visits as Mbeki had already predicted: "China will emerge as one of the principal partners of South Africa...and we agreed that given the scope and depth of relations that will develop, we will establish a joint commission to incorporate all of these elements." It seems Zuma is forgetting Mandela’s postulation of human rights as the heart of international relations. He, of course, condemns crimes and genocides but meanwhile maintain contact with, for example, Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema. This situation is reminiscent of what he was criticized Mandela in his years in office but Prime Minister Zuma reaffirms his commitment to human rights. In March 2010, the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Ms. Maite Nkoana-Mashabane declared that the SA’s foreign policy should re-approach according to the increasing expectations caused by South Africa as an emerging power. (Wilding, 2013.) Perhaps she is right, facts speak: latest United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) voting record discloses that South Africa has not supported a resolution on the right to free protest like China, Russia, Egypt or Saudi Arabia. South Africa excuses by arguing it does not support specific circumstances of each country (Kasambala, 2014.)
Does this means that South Africa is falling behind in terms of rights and freedoms,
ignoring its own history? South Africa has unstoppably evolved among the last century.
In the late 90s, apartheid abolition directed both domestic and foreign policies setting
an example to the world of transformation and social cooperation praised by the
majority of countries being also a model for Latin America democracies. Thereupon
economy growth came and South Africa became an emerged power, establishing
strong relationships with countries without those recently achieved rights. South Africa
faces a dilemma: supporting those fast-developing countries (overlooking human
rights) or improving them and cut off BRICS’ relations. To cope with it, South Africa
must change its foreign policy in a way it could adapt both positions or choose one
because it cannot be a worldwide human rights defender if it cannot lead by real
example.
By Alicia Bellón
REFERENCES
Lechini de Alvarez, G. (1992). El peso del apartheid en el diseño de la política exterior
sudafricana. Revista de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional de La
Plata, 3. Retrieved from: http://sedici.unlp.edu.ar/handle/10915/437
Firsing, S. (2013, December 6). Remembering Mandela’s Foreign Policy. International Policy Digest.
Kabunda, M. (2013, December 6). Nelson Mandela: ¿qué legado para Sudáfrica, África y el mundo? The Huffington Post (Spanish version).
Unknown author. (2010, October 14). Human rights? What's that? The Economist. Retrieved from: http://www.economist.com/node/17259138
Asano, C. (Interviewer), Trajber, L. (Interviewer), Daruwala, M. (Interviewee) & Wilding, S. (Interviewee). (2013). Emerging Democracies’ Foreign Policy: What Place for Human Rights? A Look at India and South Africa. Retrieved from Sur Journal Web site: http://www.surjournal.org/eng/conteudos/getArtigo19.php?artigo=19,artigo_08.htm
Habib, A. (2009). South Africa's foreign policy: hegemonic aspirations, neoliberal orientations and global transformation. South African Journal of International Affairs, 16(2), 143-159. DOI: 10.1080/10220460903265857.
Kasambala, T. (2014, June 9). Dispatches: Can South Africa Live Up to its Human Rights Promises? Human Rights Watch.
Firsing, S. (2013, December 6). Remembering Mandela’s Foreign Policy. International Policy Digest.
Kabunda, M. (2013, December 6). Nelson Mandela: ¿qué legado para Sudáfrica, África y el mundo? The Huffington Post (Spanish version).
Unknown author. (2010, October 14). Human rights? What's that? The Economist. Retrieved from: http://www.economist.com/node/17259138
Asano, C. (Interviewer), Trajber, L. (Interviewer), Daruwala, M. (Interviewee) & Wilding, S. (Interviewee). (2013). Emerging Democracies’ Foreign Policy: What Place for Human Rights? A Look at India and South Africa. Retrieved from Sur Journal Web site: http://www.surjournal.org/eng/conteudos/getArtigo19.php?artigo=19,artigo_08.htm
Habib, A. (2009). South Africa's foreign policy: hegemonic aspirations, neoliberal orientations and global transformation. South African Journal of International Affairs, 16(2), 143-159. DOI: 10.1080/10220460903265857.
Kasambala, T. (2014, June 9). Dispatches: Can South Africa Live Up to its Human Rights Promises? Human Rights Watch.